Who Will Regulate the Prediction Markets?

A controversial new form of financial activity is on the rise, and a federal regulatory agency is aggressively asserting its oversight role. That sounds good, except for the fact that the head of the agency is a strong booster of the activity and seems mainly concerned with undercutting more aggressive state-level regulation.

Prediction markets run by companies such as Kalshi and Polymarket have exploded in popularity among people looking to bet not only on sports but just about anything else under the sun. Unfortunately, that includes things such as military actions, and there is growing evidence suggesting that government employees are among those placing the wagers and are collecting substantial winnings through illicit means.

Recently, a U.S. Army Master Sargeant was charged with using classified information to place successful bets on Polymarket about the timing of the U.S. military operation to capture Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela. We are likely to see more cases targeting this new form of insider trading.

The Justice Department is responsible for bringing federal criminal cases, but it is unclear which agency has responsibility to regulate the prediction services. The Commodity Futures Trading Commission is claiming that power for itself.

Congress created the CFTC in 1974 for the purpose of regulating futures contracts, which had long been used to trade agricultural commodities and later spread to a variety of financial instruments known as derivatives, which include options and swaps whose value derives from an underlying asset. The CFTC’s current mission statement says its role is “to promote the integrity, resilience, and vibrancy of the U.S. derivatives markets through sound regulation.”

Prediction bets have no connection to commodities of any kind and thus do not seem to qualify as derivatives. That has not stopped the CFTC, which for the past five months has been run by Michael Selig, who was nominated by Trump after working at a corporate law firm representing cryptocurrency industry clients.

Under Selig, the CFTC has sought to muscle out state governments, some of which have taken the sensible position that prediction markets are really a form of gambling and thus should be overseen by state agencies that regulate casinos, horse racing, and lotteries. Selig is fighting against what the CFTC calls “state encroachment” by filing lawsuits against Arizona, Connecticut, Illinois, Minnesota, New York, and Wisconsin. The agency recently submitted an amicus brief supporting Kalshi in a dispute with regulators in Ohio.

These disputes over jurisdiction are more than a turf war. The CFTC seems to want to assert its authority so that it can exert a mild form of regulation on the prediction markets. In fact, the agency is putting more emphasis on leniency across its activities.

The CFTC has just issued an advisory document indicating it plans to depend more on voluntary self-reporting of misconduct, which suggests that investigations will take a back seat.  It is difficult to believe that aggressive new companies such as Kalshi and Polymarket are going to be quick to report wrongdoing.

When parties do self-report, the CFTC is offering generous rewards, including big reductions in fines and the possibility of a declination, an arrangement in which the agency does not file charges against the cooperating company.

It appears that the CFTC has already been scaling back enforcement. Since Selig took office, the agency has announced only a handful of penalty actions, and those cases appear to have been initiated before he arrived—and before the second Trump Administration began.

We are only beginning to recognize the perils posed by the new prediction services. Letting a regulatory agency that is not interested in robust enforcement is not the way to guard against those dangers.

The Fix is In

Conventional economics teaches that wages are determined by labor supply and demand. There is, in fact, a lot more at play—and not all of it is legal.

Growing evidence has emerged of a practice that has come to be called wage fixing. This is what happens when companies in an industry coordinate compensation practices for certain jobs, making it difficult for workers attain higher earnings by switching employers. Sometimes the companies agree on actual caps; other times they simply share salary data so that a firm can avoid paying more than its competitors.

Federal prosecutors have been slow to investigate the practice, so the main legal challenges have come from private litigation filed by class action lawyers. Their latest success has just emerged from a federal court in Maryland, where utility company NextEra Energy and its subsidiary Florida Power & Light have agreed to pay $9.5 million to settle wage-fixing allegations.

NextEra is just one of two dozen companies sued by lawyers representing both hourly and salaried workers at nuclear power plants around the country. In a complaint filed last year, the plaintiffs alleged that the companies “engaged in a multi-faceted conspiracy to align, fix, and suppress Class Members’ compensation.” NextEra is the first defendant in the case to settle.

As documented in Violation Tracker, wage-fixing lawsuits have been brought on behalf of various types of workers. One of the biggest actions targeted the poultry industry. A dozen major producers have paid out over $270 million, with the largest individual settlements coming from Tyson Foods ($115 million) and Perdue Farms ($60 million).

A group of Detroit-area hospitals paid more than $50 million to resolve allegations they conspired to depress the wages of nurses.

Wage-fixing lawsuits are closely related to no-poaching cases in which employers are accused of secretly agreeing not to hire each other’s employees, thus exerting downward pressure on wages. The first major action of this sort was resolved a decade ago, when tech giants Apple, Google, Intel, and Adobe Systems together agreed to settle the matter for $415 million.

In 2017  Walt Disney and its subsidiaries Pixar and Lucasfilm agreed to pay $100 million to settle litigation accusing them of engaging in a no-poach agreement with other studios with regard to the hiring of animators.

Two years later, Duke University agreed to pay more than $54 million to settle litigation alleging it entered into an improper no-poach agreement with the University of North Carolina not to try to hire medical school faculty members from each other.

In 2024, Jackson Hewitt agreed to pay over $10 million to settle litigation alleging its franchisees entered into a non-poach agreement regarding the hiring of tax preparers.

Last year, the Pratt & Whitney unit of RTX Corporation agreed to pay $34 million to settle litigation alleging it participated in an improper no-poach agreement among federal contractors not to hire one another’s aerospace engineers.

State attorneys general have begun to get in on the action. For example, the New York AG got Stewart Title Guaranty Corporation to pay $2.5 million to settle allegations it participated in a no-poach arrangement with competing title insurance firms.

It used to be common for unions to negotiate with major corporations in an industry to raise wage and benefit levels across the sector. Now employers collude among themselves to depress compensation rates. That’s a far cry from a free market.

Worms in the Apple

For years, Apple has commanded top prices based on the idea that its devices were of the highest quality. That mystique has persevered despite a series of major lawsuits alleging that the company deceived consumers about the features and performance of its products.

In the latest case, Apple recently agreed to pay $250 million to resolve allegations that it misled customers into thinking its iPhone 16 would include new artificial intelligence Siri features. The lawsuit had charged that the company falsely promised those features even though they had not yet been created.

Apple initially argued that its claims were not deceptive because the features were to be released over time, yet it ultimately decided it was prudent to settle the consumer class action while not admitting fault. The settlement does not end the matter for Apple, which is also facing litigation brought on behalf of investors claiming that the failure to deliver the Siri features caused the company’s stock price to tumble for a period of time last year.

Apple’s previous legal entanglements documented in Violation Tracker include a 2023 settlement in which it agreed to pay out at least $310 million to resolve allegations that it distributed iPhone software updates that degraded their performance. The suit claimed that the software problems prompted many users to purchase new phones, thus benefitting the company financially. Three years earlier, Apple had paid $113 million to settle related litigation brought by more than 30 state attorneys general.

In 2022 Apple agreed to pay $95 million to settle a class action alleging it violated its customer warranties by replacing broken iPhones and iPads with deficient remanufactured units.

In 2023 Apple agreed to pay $50 million to settle litigation alleging it knowingly sold laptops with defective butterfly-type keyboards.

In 2024 Apple agreed to pay $35 million to settle litigation alleging it knowingly sold its iPhone 7 with an audio defect.

In 2025 Apple agreed to pay $20 million to settle litigation alleging that some of its watches had battery defects that could cause serious injuries.

These settlements are, of course, drops in the bucket for a company that has been piling up around $100 billion a year in profits. The same dilemma applies to Apple’s rivals, some of which have paid out even more in settlements and fines in consumer protection cases.

For example, in 2019 Meta’s Facebook unit paid a whopping $5 billion fine to the Federal Trade Commission in connection with allegations it deceived users about their ability to control the privacy of their personal information.

The tech giants are not the only companies that have faced such allegations. For instance, in 2019 AT&T Mobility agreed to pay $60 million to settle litigation with the Federal Trade Commission over allegations that the wireless provider misled millions of its smartphone customers by charging them for unlimited data plans while reducing their data speeds. And of course, Volkswagen has been penalized billions of dollars for deceiving customers about the level of emissions produced by their vehicles.

Until fines and settlements are high enough to jeopardize their financial survival, large corporations will be tempted to deceive their customers in the pursuit of ever-higher profits.