Violation Tracker

The 2024 Corporate Rap Sheet

My colleagues and I collected more than 22,000 new entries for the U.S. version of Violation Tracker this year. We also launched Violation Tracker Global, which contains cases brought against large corporations in 52 countries. Here are some of the most notable cases of the year from both databases.

McKinsey and Opioids. McKinsey, the leading management consulting firm, had to pay $650 million in criminal and civil penalties to resolve a U.S. Justice Department (DOJ) case concerning its work for the disgraced pharmaceutical company Purdue Pharma. McKinsey was charged with conspiring with Purdue to “turbocharge” sales of OxyContin while misleading users about the addiction risks of the opioid.

TD Bank and Money Laundering. TD Bank N.A., a U.S. subsidiary of Canada’s Toronto-Dominion, pleaded guilty and agreed to pay $1.9 billion in fines and forfeiture to resolve DOJ charges that it violated the Bank Secrecy Act by failing to file reports on suspicious transactions and thereby facilitated money laundering by criminal networks.

BHP, Vale and a Mining Disaster. Mining giants BHP and Vale, co-owners of the Samarco joint venture, agreed to a US$31 billion settlement to resolve litigation brought by Brazilian communities destroyed by the 2015 Mariana mine-waste dam collapse that killed 19 people and polluted 400 miles of rivers.

Raytheon and Fraud and Bribery. Raytheon Company, a subsidiary of military contractor RTX (formerly known as Raytheon Technologies), agreed to pay over $950 million to resolve a DOJ criminal investigation into a major fraud scheme involving defective pricing on certain government contracts and violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and the Arms Export Control Act.

3M and PFAS. A federal judge in South Carolina gave final approval to a class action settlement in which 3M agreed to pay an estimated $12.5 billion to more than 10,000 public water systems to resolve allegations that PFAS chemicals produced by the company for use in firefighting foam ended up contaminating water sources.

Apple and Improper Tax Breaks. The European Commission ordered Apple to repay 13 billion euros to Ireland after determining that the special tax breaks the company had been receiving for 16 years amounted to a form of illegitimate state aid.

Meta Platforms and Biometric Data. Facebook parent Meta Platforms agreed to pay $1.4 billion to the Texas Attorney General’s office to settle a lawsuit alleging it improperly captured biometric data from millions of users for its facial recognition system without the authorization required by state law.

Teva Pharmaceuticals and Copaxone. The European Commission fined Teva 462 million euros for abusing its dominant position to delay competition to Copaxone, its medication for the treatment of multiple sclerosis. The Commission found that Teva artificially extended the patent protection of Copaxone and systematically spread misleading information about a competing product to hinder its market entry and uptake.

Uber Technologies and Wage Theft. Uber paid $148 million to settle a case brought by the Massachusetts Attorney General alleging that it violated state wage and hour law in the way it paid its drivers. The agreement also required the company to begin paying a minimum wage of $32.50 an hour and providing benefits such as paid sick leave. The case also targeted Lyft, which paid $27 million.

Glencore and Bribery. The Office of the Attorney General of Switzerland ordered commodities trading company Glencore to pay a penalty equal to about $152 million for failing to take steps to prevent the bribery of government officials in the Democratic Republic of Congo by a business partner.

Walgreens and False Claims. Walgreens Boots Alliance Inc. and Walgreen Co. agreed to pay $106 million to the DOJ to resolve alleged violations of the False Claims Act and state statutes for billing government health care programs for prescriptions never dispensed.

Veolia and a Workplace Death. A British subsidiary of France’s Veolia Group pleaded guilty to breaching the Health and Safety at Work Act after a worker died and another was seriously injured while decommissioning a North Sea gas rig. The Health and Safety Executive fined the company £3 million and ordered it to pay £60,000 in costs.

Goldman Sachs and Apple Card Users. The U.S. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau ordered Goldman Sachs to pay $64 million in fines and redress for mishandling customer service breakdowns affecting thousands of Apple Card holders. These failures meant that consumers faced long waits to get money back for disputed charges and some had incorrect negative information added to their credit reports.

You can find many more examples of the year’s corporate scandals in Violation Tracker and Violation Tracker Global. There is every reason to believe there will be many more cases for the Trackers to document in the coming year.

Big Banks and Dirty Money

Toronto-Dominion has joined the dubious club of large companies that have paid a penalty of $1 billion or more in a single case of misconduct. It achieved that distinction with the recent slew of announcements by the U.S. Justice Department and several financial regulators that the book was being thrown at the Canadian bank’s U.S. subsidiary TD Bank for widespread failures in meeting its obligations to prevent the use of its operations for money laundering by criminals and tax evaders.

TD Bank was hit with $1.9 billion in criminal fines by the DOJ and more than a billion from the Federal Reserve, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, and the Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network. It all came to $3.09 billion in penalties. Adding these to Toronto-Dominion’s previous cases documented in Violation Tracker raises the bank’s aggregate penalties in the U.S. to nearly $4 billion, far and away the highest total for any parent company headquartered in Canada.

Looking specifically at penalties for anti-money-laundering (AML) deficiencies, Toronto-Dominion is now at the top of the list in that category, overtaking Denmark’s Danske Bank, which has hit with $2 billion in criminal fines by the DOJ in 2022.

Other banks with the highest penalties for AML and related Bank Secrecy Act violations include: JPMorgan Chase ($811 million), HSBC ($665 million), U.S. Bancorp ($528 million), Deutsche Bank ($491 million), and Capital One ($390 million). The non-bank with the largest total is Western Union at $740 million.

AML violations are not limited to the United States. In the new Violation Tracker Global, which covers cases against large corporations in 45 countries (including the U.S.), AML is one of the most frequent offenses, with total penalties equal to more than $20 billion imposed by regulators and courts in three dozen countries.

The U.S. by far contributes the most ($15 billion) to that total. Other countries with the most AML penalties against large corporations include Australia, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, each with between $1 billion and $2 billion. Next are Denmark and Sweden with totals between $500 million and $700 million.

Outside the United States, the largest individual AML cases include: a $916 million penalty in Australia against Westpac Banking Corporation; a $900 million penalty in the Netherlands against ING Bank; a $675 million penalty in Denmark against Danske Bank; a $575 million penalty in the Netherlands against ABN AMRO; a $529 million penalty in Australia against Commonwealth Bank; a $397 million penalty in Sweden against Swedbank; and a $350 million penalty against NatWest in the United Kingdom.

Toronto-Dominion had one AML penalty outside the U.S.—a penalty equal to less than $7 million in its home country of Canada.

These figures suggest that large banks everywhere have a problem complying with AML restrictions. That is probably because doing business with clients flush with dubious cash is simply too lucrative for them to resist. Large penalties imposed in the U.S. and a few other countries may have some deterrent effect, but regulators and prosecutors need to find more effective forms of punishment.

Note: The new TD Bank cases will be added to Violation Tracker and Violation Tracker Global as part of updates that are being prepared.

Challenging Corporate Greenwashing

Large corporations like to tout their environmental initiatives. The problem is that their claims are often exaggerated, misleading or completely unfounded. And rarely are they called to account for their deception.

Recently, there have been two exceptions to the rule, involving the petroleum industry, which has long been one of the most brazen practitioners of greenwashing. California Attorney General Rob Bonta announced the filing of a lawsuit against Exxon Mobil, alleging that it engaged in what the AG called “a decades-long campaign of deception that caused and exacerbated the global plastics pollution crisis.”

Bonta accused Exxon Mobil, a leading producer of the polymers used to produce single-use plastics, of employing “misleading public statements and slick marketing” to promote the idea that recycling is an adequate way to deal with the plastics pollution crisis.

The lawsuit, which seeks to get Exxon Mobil to cease making misleading statements and pay damages, bears a resemblance to previous actions against the corporation for its long history of denying the reality of the climate crisis and the major role the oil industry has played in exacerbating global warming.

Over in South Africa, another oil giant, France’s TotalEnergies, was recently found to have made misleading statements about its commitment to sustainable development. The Advertising Regulatory Board, acting on a complaint brought by the environmental group Fossil Free South Africa, based its ruling on the simple fact that the petroleum company’s core business is antithetical to sustainability.

The advertising board could also have looked at the environmental record of TotalEnergies. As shown in Violation Tracker, the company has paid more than $60 million in environmental penalties in the United States. It also paid $15 million to resolve allegations that it violated the False Claims Act by knowingly underpaying royalties owed on natural gas produced from federal and Indian leases. And it paid nearly $400 million to settle foreign bribery allegations.

As will soon be shown in Violation Tracker Global, TotalEnergies has also had regulatory challenges in other countries. For example, in 2010 a French appeals court upheld a 200 million euro judgment against the company in connection with a large oil spill by the tanker Erika off the coast of Brittany.

Of course, Exxon Mobil also has a checkered compliance record. Violation Tracker records more than $2 billion in environmental penalties in the U.S since 2000. That total would have been considerably larger if the Supreme Court had not slashed a multi-billion-dollar damage award stemming from the giant oil spill by the company’s Valdez supertanker off the coast of Alaska. Violation Tracker Global will contain $3 million in environmental penalties in other countries, especially Canada.

Supreme Court rulings such as the Citizens United case emboldened corporations to assert their free speech rights. Yet when that speech denies scientific reality and contributes to environmental devastation, society needs to respond. California’s lawsuit will not solve the plastics crisis, but it will help to make the case that Exxon Mobil is part of the problem rather than the solution.

Note: Violation Tracker Global will be launched in October

Cigna SLAPPs the FTC

Pharmaceutical companies, the big pharmacy chains and the middlemen known as pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs, have been taking pains to blame one another for the high cost of prescription drugs. It is not unusual for business groups with conflicting positions to engage in this sort of finger-pointing, but now a major PBM is attacking a federal regulatory agency for criticizing its practices.

In a highly unusual and objectionable step, Cigna, parent of PBM Express Scripts, has filed a lawsuit against the Federal Trade Commission, seeking to force the agency to retract a recent interim report depicting PBMs as “powerful middlemen inflating drug costs and squeezing main street pharmacies.”

The FTC report points out that the market for PBM services has become highly concentrated, and the largest PBMs are now owned by the largest health insurers (as in Cigna’s ownership of Express Scripts) or pharmacy chains (CVS control of Caremark). “As a result of this high degree of consolidation and vertical integration,” the report states, “the leading PBMs can now exercise significant power over Americans’ access to drugs and the prices they pay.”

Cigna is certainly within its rights to disagree with and criticize the report, as the company did in a full-page advertisement in the Wall Street Journal. Yet Cigna did more than that. Its lawsuit, filed in federal court in Missouri, accuses the FTC of defamation and of violating the company’s due process rights. It seeks to have the report expunged from the FTC website along with “any other relief the Court deems just and equitable.”

Although the complaint does not explicitly ask for monetary damages, the action bears a close resemblance to the SLAPP suits filed by corporations seeking to silence their critics by causing them severe financial harm. This kind of tactic is seen, for example, in the lawsuit being pursued against Greenpeace by the pipeline company Energy Transfer. Like the SLAPP suits brought against NGOs, the Cigna action seems designed to intimidate—both the FTC and by extension its other critics.

Cigna’s claim it has been defamed ignores the fact that the company’s track record is hardly unblemished. Violation Tracker contains more than 200 entries for Cigna and its subsidiaries, with total penalties of $746 million.

Express Scripts accounts for about $30 million of that total, stemming from cases such as a $3.2 million settlement with the Massachusetts Attorney General in 2022 to resolve allegations the company failed to follow prescription pricing procedures designed to keep costs down and prevent overcharges in the state’s workers compensation insurance system.

Accredo, a specialty pharmacy owned by Express Scripts, paid $60 million in 2015 to resolve federal allegations that it received illegal kickbacks, in the form of patient referrals and other benefits, from the pharmaceutical company Novartis in exchange for promoting refills for its drug Exjade.

It is unacceptable for Cigna, or any other company, to seek to muzzle a federal regulator through the use of the legal system. Hopefully, the court will see the danger of this lawsuit and dismiss it promptly.

Attacking Price Manipulation

Throughout Joe Biden’s time in office, critics have complained he has not done enough to address high grocery prices. Now that his replacement as the Democratic presidential nominee has come forth with a plan to deal with the problem, many of those same critics are accusing Kamala Harris of going too far.

A wide range of pundits are particularly scandalized at Harris’s critique of price-gouging. It is perfectly valid to question whether her policies would be effective, but many commentators are trotting out simplistic and outdated economic principles to claim that corporate price manipulation is non-existent.

These believers in the supremacy of market forces are apparently unaware that the food sector is a hotbed of anti-competitive practices. This is especially true in the meat industry, where a small number of dominant corporations have had to pay out hundreds of millions of dollars in fines and settlements to resolve allegations that they collude to keep prices high.

Take the case of JBS, the giant Brazilian corporation that owns U.S. companies such as the poultry producer Pilgrim’s Pride and the beef producer Swift. As shown in Violation Tracker, JBS and its subsidiaries have paid out over $200 million in class action antitrust lawsuits since 2021. Pilgrim’s Pride was also sentenced to pay $107 million in criminal penalties after pleading guilty to federal charges of participating in a conspiracy to fix prices and rig bids for broiler chicken products.

Tyson Foods, another poultry goliath, has paid out over $120 million in class action settlements over the past three years, including one case in which it had to hand over $99 million. In the pork industry, Smithfield Foods, owned by the Chinese corporation WH Group, has paid around $200 million in price-fixing settlements.

Price-fixing conspiracies have also been alleged in the tuna industry, in which StarKist paid a criminal penalty of $100 million, as well as in milk processing, peanut processing and other food sectors. In 2020 the National Milk Producers Federation agreed to pay $220 million to settle litigation alleging it sought to boost prices through a program to reduce the number of dairy cows. There was even a $28 million settlement involving a mushroom marketing cooperative.

Aside from their illegal collusion on prices, food companies have been accused of entering into illegal agreements designed to suppress wages. A federal court in Oklahoma recently gave preliminary approval to a settlement in which Pilgrim’s Pride will pay $100 million. Other poultry processors such as Tyson and Perdue previously agreed to pay a total of tens of millions of dollars more.

Price-fixing is not exactly the same thing as price-gouging. The first involves illegal agreements among purported competitors, while the other may be committed by a powerful company acting on its own. Price-gouging can be illegal in certain circumstances under state law, especially if it happens during an emergency. Yet it is not, alas, illegal for companies to jack up prices in most circumstances.

That’s why all chief executives of food companies are not being led away in handcuffs. Yet it is all the more reason for the federal government to devise innovative ways to get corporations to bring down prices that escalated through market manipulation of one form or another.

A New DOJ Payday for Whistleblowers

Over the past decade, the Securities and Exchange Commission has paid out around $2 billion to individuals who provided information that led to successful enforcement actions against rule-breaking corporations. The awards can amount to tens of millions of dollars and sometimes reach the nine-figure level. More than a dozen other federal agencies such as the Commodity Futures Trading Commission have similar incentive programs.

The Justice Department recently announced that it will jump on the whistleblower bandwagon with a pilot program designed to assist in the prosecution of corporate crimes. DOJ’s initiative will cover certain crimes involving financial institutions, from traditional banks to cryptocurrency businesses; foreign corruption involving misconduct by companies; domestic corruption involving misconduct by companies; and healthcare fraud schemes involving private insurance plans.

To be eligible for an award, someone must provide DOJ with original non-public information that leads to a successful prosecution with a corporate penalty of at least $1 million. The whistleblower, who must not have participated in the illegal activity, could receive up to 30 percent of the first $100 million in net proceeds and 5 percent of proceeds between $100 million and $500 million. That means that a whistleblower could receive as much as $55 million.

Whistleblowing is not entirely new to DOJ. The department has long employed the False Claims Act qui tam program to investigate fraud against the federal government by contractors and Medicare healthcare providers. Many of the nearly 4,000 False Claims Act cases in Violation Tracker were made possible by whistleblowers. These cases are handled as civil matters, whereas the new pilot program will cover criminal charges.

DOJ sees the whistleblower program as part of its broader effort to encourage corporations to self-report when they detect illegal behavior within their ranks. The department took the unusual step of structuring the program so that whistleblowers remain eligible for an award if they first report the misconduct to corporate superiors and the company in turn discloses it to DOJ.

It would be ill-advised for the department to offer leniency deals to companies that engage in self-reporting only after learning that a whistleblower is ready to go public. Such deals are meant to incentivize companies to come forward of their own volition, not when the boom is about to be lowered.

Some critics complain that the DOJ pilot is deficient in that it does not adequately protect whistleblowers from retaliation. The program description deals with the issue by saying that the department could respond to retaliation by declining to award the company cooperation credit and/or “institute appropriate enforcement action.” DOJ would do well to adopt procedures like those in the Sarbanes-Oxley Act providing specific remedies for whistleblowers who experience retaliation.

Despite these limitations, it is encouraging that DOJ is adopting a practice for its criminal cases that has a long track record of success in bringing to light corporate wrongdoing of a civil nature. Let’s hope that this approach will put more pressure on rogue companies to clean up their act.

Greenpeace Slaps Back

Asked to define the phrase Energy Transfer, most people would say it sounds like something they dimly recall from high school physics. Actually, it is the name of a giant corporation that owns the country’s largest petroleum transportation system, including the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), which was the focus of intense protests in 2016.

Energy Transfer and DAPL are back in the news because a trial is set to begin in the latest phase of the company’s legal assault against opponents of the pipeline. Despite the protests led by the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and other indigenous groups, the pipeline was completed and went into operation in 2017. That was in large part due to the intervention of the Trump Administration in one of its first acts. Energy Transfer CEO Kelcy Warren was a big contributor to Trump during the 2016 presidential race. This year he gave $5 million to a pro-Trump Super PAC.

Although it won the battle to build DAPL, Energy Transfer has been on a crusade against its adversaries. Initially, it targeted Standing Rock Sioux chairman Dave Archambault and other tribal leaders at the center of the protests. When that failed, it went after Greenpeace and has not relented. In doing so, it has mounted one of the most aggressive examples of what are known as SLAPP suits (strategic lawsuits against public participation)—legal actions meant to intimidate anti-corporate protests.

In 2017 Energy Transfer filed a federal racketeering suit against Greenpeace that made extravagant allegations that tried to depict the group’s legitimate criticisms of the company and DAPL as a violent criminal conspiracy. The complaint accused Greenpeace of “manufacturing a media spectacle based upon phony but emotionally charged hot-button issues, sensational lies, and intentionally incited physical violence, property destruction, and other criminal conduct.”

Greenpeace vehemently denied advocating or engaging in any violent acts, while also insisting it did not organize the protests but was simply supporting a campaign led by tribal groups. A federal judge threw out the racketeering case, but Energy Transfer has continued to pursue the matter at the state level and is seeking $300 million in damages.

The North Dakota complaint filed in 2019 employs much of the same overheated rhetoric as the unsuccessful federal action. It accuses Greenpeace and several co-defendants of pursuing an “extremist agenda — to attack and disrupt Energy Transfer’s business and its construction of DAPL — through means far outside the bounds of democratic political action, protest, and peaceful, legally protected expression of dissent.”

Yet the company focuses a great deal on such expressions of dissent, alleging that the defendants “engaged in large-scale, intentional dissemination of misinformation and outright falsehoods regarding Energy Transfer, DAPL’s environmental impact, and Energy Transfer’s extensive efforts to address the concerns of local North Dakota communities.”

It is language such as this that prompts Greenpeace to argue that the case represents a serious threat to First Amendment rights. If Energy Transfer is successful in pushing the idea that those criticizing its actions are guilty of defamation, that would indeed have a chilling effect on corporate accountability activism.

As Greenpeace points out, there is a lot to criticize about Energy Transfer even apart from DAPL. In Violation Tracker we document 383 instances since 2000 in which the company and its subsidiaries were fined or reached settlements in cases involving environmental, safety or other infractions. The associated penalties amount to $611 million.

Five of these cases were brought as criminal matters. These include a 2022 case brought by then-Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro in which two Energy Transfer subsidiaries pleaded no contest to criminal water pollution charges relating to the release of large quantities of drilling fluids containing potentially hazardous substances in places where it could contaminate drinking water supplies. AG Shapiro stated that in bringing the case his office was “holding Energy Transfer accountable for their crimes against our natural resources.”

It is unclear whether Energy Transfer really believes the lawsuit will silence its critics. For its part, Greenpeace shows no sign of being intimidated and is defending itself forcefully, which is in keeping with its long track record of standing up to the powerful. Energy Transfer may have SLAPPed, but Greenpeace is slapping back.

For more details on the lawsuit, see this website just launched by Greenpeace.

Kamala Harris as A Corporate Crime Fighter

The coming weeks are likely to see much discussion, pro and con, about Kamala Harris’ record prosecuting street crime during her time as District Attorney of San Francisco. Perhaps even more relevant to her as a presidential candidate was her tenure as the California Attorney General.

State attorneys general involve themselves in many issues, but one of their key roles is to address business misconduct, especially in the areas of consumer protection and antitrust. As the California AG from 2011 through 2016, Harris was for the most part an aggressive corporate crime fighter.

In Violation Tracker we have more than 40 cases her office successfully prosecuted, resulting in over $3 billion in fines and settlements. About one-third of that total came from a 2016 judgment against the predatory for-profit Corinthian Colleges, which by that time had ceased operations and was in bankruptcy.

Here are some of the other more significant cases:

A $750 million settlement with the Canadian company Powerex, which was accused of manipulating the market during the 2000-2001 western energy crisis.

A $323 million settlement with SCAN Health Plan to resolve allegations the company overcharged the state’s Medicaid program, known as Medi-Cal.

A $298 million settlement with JPMorgan Chase, which was accused of misleading state pension funds in the marketing of residential mortgage-backed securities. This was part of a broader $13 billion settlement the bank reached with state and federal agencies concerning the toxic securities that helped bring about the financial crisis of the late 2000s.

A $241 million settlement with Quest Diagnostics, which also involved Medi-Cal billing abuses.

A $168 million settlement with K12 Inc., a for-profit online charter school operator, and 14 affiliated non-profit schools known as the California Virtual Academies it managed, over alleged violations of California’s false claims, false advertising and unfair competition laws.

An $86 million settlement with Volkswagen concerning the installation of defeat devices to evade emissions testing in its diesel vehicles. This was a supplement to the company’s $14 billion federal-state settlement.

Among the other companies her office successfully pursued were Walmart (for over-charging customers), Toshiba (price-fixing), Wells Fargo (privacy violations) and Chevron (improper hazardous waste disposal).

Harris’ office was also involved in many cases brought by groups of state AGs, often taking a leading role. The largest case was a $25 billion settlement reached by federal and state agencies in 2012 with five of the largest mortgage servicing companies over their foreclosure practices. Others included:

A $687 million settlement with Standard & Poor’s Financial Services, which had been accused of inflating ratings of residential mortgage-backed securities at the center of the financial crisis.

A $339 million settlement with Abbott Laboratories (now AbbVie) to resolve allegations it promoted its drug Depakote for uses not approved by the Food and Drug Administration.

A $151 million settlement with drug wholesaler McKesson to resolve allegations the company inflated the price of prescription drugs by as much as 25 percent, causing the states’ Medicaid programs to overpay millions of dollars in pharmacy reimbursements.

A $90 million settlement with the Swiss bank UBS on charges of anticompetitive and fraudulent conduct in the municipal bond derivatives industry, which took the form of bid-rigging, submission of non-competitive courtesy bids and submission to government agencies, among others, of fraudulent certifications of compliance with U.S. Treasury regulations.

Harris’s record as AG was not flawless. Most notably, she was criticized for failing to prosecute OneWest Bank for foreclosure violations. The bank was controlled by Steve Mnuchin, who would go on to become Donald Trump’s Secretary of the Treasury.

If she were to become president, Harris would be in a position to set the tone for the way her administration would address corporate misconduct. That would begin with her choice for attorney general and extend to the approach she encourages for all regulatory agencies.

This is an area in which she cannot simply promise to continue the policies of the current administration. Biden’s Justice Department initially signaled it would get tough on corporate miscreants after Trump’s lax approach, but it has largely failed to deliver. Instead, the DOJ has stressed leniency agreements, which have turned out to be a boon for recidivist companies.

Harris would do well to signal that she intends to change course and draw on her experience as state AG to be an aggressive corporate crime fighter at the federal level.

Reprehensible Corporate Behavior

Government officials are usually restrained in the way they talk about corporate behavior, even when a company is involved in a scandal. But Jennifer Homendy, chair of the National Transportation Safety Board, let loose against Norfolk Southern in a meeting about last year’s derailment and hazardous substances release in East Palestine, Ohio.

Homendy charged that the rail carrier “delayed or failed to provide critical investigative information to our team,” forcing her to have to threaten to issue subpoenas to compel disclosure. She described the company’s actions as “unconscionable” and “reprehensible.”

Homendy listed a series of company actions taken during the investigation she called unethical or inappropriate, including Norfolk Southern’s decision to retain a private company to conduct testing of vinyl chloride for inclusion in the NTSB record. Parties “are not permitted to manufacture their own evidence and develop their own set of facts outside of the NTSB investigative process, which is exactly what Norfolk Southern did,” Homendy said.

On top of that, Homendy said that a Norfolk Southern executive recently delivered what she and other NTSB employees interpreted as “a threat” by pressing the agency to dampen speculation about whether the company was responsible for the decision to incinerate toxic materials at the site of the derailment, a process known as vent and burn.

Those remarks came as the safety agency issued an abstract of a report on the incident in which Norfolk Southern is alleged to have “compromised the integrity of the decision to vent and burn the tank cars by not communicating expertise and dissenting opinions to the incident commander making the final decision. This failure to communicate completely and accurately with the incident commander was unjustified.”

The incineration of those toxic substances forced widespread evacuations, and even after people returned to their homes there have been lingering concerns about the potential long-term health impacts from the smoke that covered East Palestine.

It will be interesting to see whether the NTSB chair’s skewering of Norfolk Southern prompts Congress to take action on railroad safety. As documented in Violation Tracker, the Class I railroads have been fined thousands of times by the Federal Railroad Administration. Norfolk Southern was targeted more than 1,600 times by the FRA.

Yet most of these cases involve relatively minor matters. When it comes to major issues, the FRA has shown itself to be pretty ineffective. That varies somewhat from one presidential administration to another, but the industry has managed to avoid major reforms.

In fact, it has been brazen in pushing for changes that would enhance profits but increase the risk of derailments and other accidents. This is the industry, after all, which thinks it is okay to operate trains stretching for a mile or more with just one human being on board. There is even growing use of trains that are entirely remote-controlled—a practice that has already led to a rash of accidents.

Railroads have been flexing their corporate muscles since the mid-19^th Century. It is time to subject them to some serious oversight.

Naming the Offenders

Regulatory agencies and prosecutors seek to punish misbehaving corporations in the hope they will change their practices and obey the rules. That happens occasionally, but all too often corporate offenders go on to break the law again, sometimes repeatedly.

The prevalence of such recidivism is one of the main conclusions that arises from the data on enforcement actions—numbering more than 600,000—my colleagues and I have collected in Violation Tracker.

Now one of the more aggressive federal regulators is planning to assemble an official resource on rogue corporations. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau just announced it will create a registry of companies that have broken consumer protection laws and that are subject to court orders regarding their ongoing behavior.

“Too often, financial firms treat penalties for illegal activity as the cost of doing business,” said CFPB Director Rohit Chopra. “The CFPB’s new rule will help law enforcement across the country detect and stop repeat offenders.”

I am happy to report that Violation Tracker played a role in the agency’s development of the registry. As noted on page 405 of the lengthy description of the plan, CFPB made use of data from Violation Tracker to estimate how many companies might be affected.

Given that CFPB’s registry will cover only nonbank consumer finance companies, its scope will be much narrower than that of Violation Tracker, which covers all kinds of corporations, large and small. Yet it is important for there to be official compilations, since they will hopefully provide more pressure on bad actors.

It would be good if the CFPB’s move inspires the Justice Department to do more to respond to calls from members of Congress and corporate accountability advocates to create a comprehensive database on corporate crime.

Last year, DOJ created a page of its website called Corporate Crime Case Database, which initially contained only about a dozen items but was described as being “still in the process of being populated.” It’s now been about 12 months since the site went up, but that process is proceeding at a glacial pace. The page currently contains all of 85 case summaries, making it far from a comprehensive database.

It is no surprise that DOJ seems reluctant to do more to highlight its criminal enforcement, given that the department has been emphasizing leniency rather than aggressive prosecution of corporate miscreants. DOJ continues to allow large corporations to escape from criminal investigations with a deferred or non-prosecution agreement under which the company pays a penalty but does not need to plead guilty.

In theory, companies which fail to change their behavior would be subject to a real prosecution in the future, but there are many cases in which one leniency agreement is followed by nothing more than another leniency agreement.

Sometimes DOJ employs another device known as a declination in which the possibility of a prosecution is completely taken off the table. This deal was recently offered to a company called Proterial (formerly known as Hitachi Cable), which misrepresented to customers that the motorcycle brake hose assemblies it sold met federal safety performance standards. The problem was not that the company failed to test the assemblies. It did the tests but lied to customers about the results, claiming that the assemblies had passed when in fact they had failed. A page on the DOJ website lists 20 declinations, but there may be more that are not disclosed.

When it comes to corporate crime, DOJ needs to engage in more aggressive prosecutions and make sure the public knows about them.